Pemilu 2009 :
Potret Politik Dan Nasionalisme kaum Parasit[1]
Oleh: Ibe Wanuata[2]
”Setiap gerak kebangsaan yang tidak diikuti oleh kesadaran sejarah dan cara baca realitas menyeluruh, hanya akan terus mengunci Indonesia dalam siklus normatif. Tak ada akumulasi apapun. Dititik ini sesungguhnya kita tidak pernah belajar menyelesaikan satu persatu timbunan masalah yang telah bertumpuk sejak ratusan tahun lalu ”
Pemilu 2009 sudah lewat. Ini adalah pemilu yang ketiga sejak jargon reformasi digaungkan bulan Mei 1998. Situasi tak jauh beda. Diikuti puluhan partai politik dan ribuan calon anggota legislatif(caleg). Sebagian ‘orang lama’, selebihnya wajah baru. Setidaknya, lebih berwarna dibanding saat orde baru. Sayang, semua hanya berlangsung dipermukaan. Hingar bingar parade politik yang berlangsung terlalu dangkal dan penuh jebakan. Derajat kerusakan sudah sampai pada tahap paling mengkhawatirkan. Hanya karena kongkalikong korporasi media dan kecerdasan negara mengelola manipulasi kesadaran rakyat, kita masih merasa semuanya ”normal tanpa borok” sedikitpun.
Tulisan ini coba mengingatkan. Tidak lebih. Dalam rasa malu sangat dalam atas kebodohan kolektif kita, yang masih belum mau dan mampu bergeser dari kerendahan sifat serta laku politik picik, menuju praksis politik negarawan. Semoga cukup membantu.
Negara Multiwajah: Sejarah Politik Bangsa Terjajah
Saat Indonesia dideklarasi sebagai ”negara modern” dalam langgam kebangsaan nasional, tidaklah berarti wajah kita secara radikal langsung berubah menjadi serupa menyeluruh. Semua hanyalah fenomena suprastruktur politik nasional. Selama ini terlalu sedikit proses—meminjam istilah Emmanuel Subangun—jeda pengetahuan atas cara baca kita terhadap segala dialektika negara, bangsa, dan masyarakat Indonesia. Kalaupun itu berlangsung, maka hanya terjadi selintas, setengah hati, terbatas, dan sekadar untuk menunaikan: proyek pengetahuan rezim global.
Tata negara tidak hanya soal pranata kelembagaan, pembagian kekuasaan politik ala trias politika, atau soal mekanisme teknis pemilihan umum. Kita juga harus berbicara tentang ruang batin politik masyarakat dan siklus ekonomi-politik dunia internasional. Sebab tanpa dua hal ini, maka kebangsaaan kita akan menjadi salah kaprah dan ahistoris. Dari sini akan terbentuk satu defenisi yang tidak linier dalam membaca fakta-fakta politik kontemporer. Kita dengan sendirinya bisa membedakan politik produk sejarah dan produk situasional.
Sebut saja satu soal. Cara pandang kita atas demokrasi dan demokratisasi di Indonesia. Ingat, konfigurasi suku-bangsa nusantara saat dihantam oleh arus imperialisme-kolonialisme, tampil dalam tiga bentuk eksistensial: kesultanan Islam, kerajaan klasik, dan komunitas suku-suku (laut dan pedalaman). Dari sini terlihat, bahwa tidak semua lapis sosial masyarakat Indonesia pernah mengalami fase tata negara. Sebagian besar hanya berkutat secara defensif dalam pola tata sosial-ekonomi. Dan sedikit yang berhasil membangun kombinasi agraris dan maritim dalam tata negaranya.
Model awal yang dianut oleh masyarakat nusantara justru berpola ”anarkisme lokal”[3]. Tak ada negara, apalagi pemerintahan formal. Kepemimpinan bersifat kharismatik dan penuh dengan nuansa spritualisme. Dalam tahap selanjutnya lahirlah satu bentuk ”demokrasi perwakilan” bersifat lu salapanga(gowa), ade’ pitue(bone), atau appe’ banua kaiyyang(balanipa/mandar). Saat persekutuan antar kampung berubah jadi kerajaan, maka institusi sosial ini bertransformasi menjadi institusi politik dengan fungsi mengimbangi kekuasan raja dan mengartikulasi kepentingan rakyat.
Saat karakter politik kekuasaan pro rakyat defisit, maka corak feodalisme mengental. Tafsir atas relasi kekuasaan tidak lagi berada dalam konteks pembangunan peradaban kolektif tapi direduksi menjadi kuasa dinasti dan oligarki istana. Imperium eropa (portugis, 1511) dan korporasi semacam VOC(1609) saat hadir dinusantara, memanfaatkan betul situasi ini, sehingga secara efektif mampu melakukan dua hal sekaligus: merebut monopoli ekonomi dan melumpuhkan resistensi lokal lewat tangan kaum ningrat.
Gabungan antara kemenangan partai sosialis dan partai liberal di parlemen Belanda, proposal Van Deventer, konsekuensi politik pintu terbuka(swastanisasi, 1870), dan petisi protes para hukum tua di Minahasa ke ratu Belanda, melahirkan proyek rekayasa ”politik etis”. Belanda mulai bergeser dari birokrasi feodal menjadi birokrasi kaum terdidik(sebagian besar anak priyayi). Tampak wajah mendua saat partai politik diberi ruang hidup meski dalam pengawasan ketat, tapi disisi lain, operasi militer politik pasifikasi(1905-1910) memaksa seluruh kerajaan tunduk secara langsung.
Menyadari tingkat kesadaran politik pribumi terus meningkat, Belanda membentuk dewan rakyat(volksraad) hingga ke daerah. Politik parlementer ini tanpa satu pemilihan umum secara nasional. Keanggotaannya diangkat dan di dominasi oleh antek-antek kolonial. Saat Belanda angkat kaki dari Indonesia dan sebelum masa demokrasi liberal pertama(1950), kita telah mewarisi ragam corak praktek kekuasaan dan memori kolektif rakyat atas pola konsensus politik. Pribumisasi politik modern, patah ditengah jalan ketika Soekarno membubarkan konstituante tahun 1959.
Situasi dizaman orde baru, lebih buruk lagi. Politik fusi partai tahun 1974 telah mengunci proses politik menjadi tidak demokratis bahkan sangat anti demokrasi dalam pengertian paling normatif. Meski Soeharto membuat label selama 32 tahun Indonesia mempraktekkan ”demokrasi pancasila”. Negara dijalankan dengan cara represif, akibatnya praktek politik tumbuh dibawah todongan senjata. Otoritarianisme dan politik loyalitas tunggal ini telah melahirkan pelapisan elit nasional dengan nalar, mental, dan laku politik yang penuh dengan hipokrisi dan hasrat-hasrat manipulatif.
Karena itu saat kita membangun lagi sistem politik tahun 1998-1999, maka setidaknya, anatomi politik nasional Indonesia tergambar sebagai berikut :
- Sejarah politik kita menunjukkan fakta bahwa perpindahan bentuk dan perubahan pola praktek dan relasi politik tidak berlangsung utuh, sehingga meski wajah normatif kita telah berubah, corak kesadaran, ingatan, dan ruang batin politik rakyat hidup dalam tampilan multilevel. Pranata dan instrumen teknis makin beragam, tetapi nalar politik masyarakat tetap tidak berkembang secara kualitatif.
- Sistem politik nasional kita saling bercampur dalam corak ’anarkisme lokal’, monarki, konfederasi perwakilan etnik/kampung, oligarki dinasti, dan demokrasi parlementer. Fakta ini mengharuskan kita untuk memberi waktu yang cukup bagi proses pembangunan kesadaran nasional atas gerak politik kolektif Indonesia.
- Ada masa pasang surut yang sering mengunci ingatan rakyat. Periode liberal kita multipartai, tapi patah saat NASAKOM dan fusi partai Orde baru. Periode awal 1950-an politisi sipil dominan, namun saat rezim soeharto, politik militer menguasai mayoritas pengambilan keputusan strategis. Perubahan-perubahan ini tidak diikuti oleh penjelasan yang cukup, sehingga rakyat tetap ahistoris dan tidak faham apa-apa.
Politik Tanpa Nasionalisme Ekonomi
Sejak awal kita sudah khilaf. Reformasi sebagai fakta politik, telah dipisahkan dari konteks gerak sistem dunia. Seolah ini murni produk dalam negeri yang lahir dari satu akumulasi atas perlawanan terhadap rezim orde baru. Menjadi ironis, saat kita tahu kalau situasi ini adalah bagian dari rekayasa global pasca perang dingin. Mereka tidak butuh lagi Soeharto, dan menghendaki Indonesia masuk dalam fase liberalisasi ekonomi penuh, dengan proses politik bersifat normatif. Kita merasa sudah berdiri sendiri, seolah lepas dari determinasi internasional.
Reformasi, Demokrasi, dan desentralisasi, adalah satu paket proyek pasca-otoritarianisme. Seolah memulai sesuatu dari nol lagi, Pemilu multipartai digelar tahun 1999. Sayang, kita bukanlah demokrasi liberal ala periode politik 1950-an yang memberi ruang penuh bagi seluruh alat-alat politik untuk berekspresi secara maksimal. Kita lebih tepat menyebutnya sebagai demokrasi setengah hati atau demokrasi semi liberal. Pembatasan ruang ideologis, menjadikan mental bangsa tetap inferior dan hidup penuh trauma sejarah. Kita gagal membuat ruang pendewasaan historis.
Sistem politik nasional kita dikunci dalam tafsir normatif, teknis, dan instrumentalistik. Demokrasi Indonesia dijebak oleh perangkap politik-ekonomi ala neoliberalisme. Ini adalah gerak lanjut dari pola ”demokrasi pancasila” orde baru yang dikangkangi oleh developmentalisme. Pun serupa dengan ”demokrasi perwakilan ala Volksraad” dalam tipuan kapitalisme kolonial Belanda. Desain mereka: seluruh aktor-aktor politik cukup berpikir dan bertarung dalam konteks nasional. Politik kawasan apalagi politik global, cukup jadi buah pikir dan cerita pengantar pidato tahunan presiden atau sidang paripurna di DPR.
Demokrasi politik tanpa demokrasi ekonomi. Inilah yang diharapkan oleh negara dan korporasi global. Tanggung jawab negara dilapangan sosial-ekonomi terus mengalami kemunduran serius. Kita memliki stok politisi nasional cukup banyak. Tapi jika anda telisik lebih dalam, maka mayoritas hanyalah politisi penuh jargon nasionalisme politik tanpa komitmen nasionalisme ekonomi. Mereka mudah berkhotbah atas nama kebangsaan dalam konteks sosial, tapi saat bersamaan penghancuran atas daya produksi ekonomi rakyat terlegitimasi oleh institusi parlemen nasional.
Sungguh berat mencari politisi dan partai politik yang memiliki konsepsi tata ekonomi nasional pro rakyat. Kita membutuhkan satu tata ekonomi dengan muatan relasional antara tata industri, tata pendidikan, tata produksi pangan, dan tata sumber daya alam saling menghidupkan. Sebab selama ini, selain sering dilihat terpisah, juga tampak diperhadapkan secara diametral. Misalnya, industri dibangun diatas kerusakan ekologis dan kehancuran struktur pangan rakyat. Makin mengecewakan, ketika mereka yang berada dilevel pengambil kebijakan strategis, juga pelaku usaha domestik dan berdagang dengan mengambil untung dari koneksi politik kekuasaan.
Satu keharusan untuk mempercepat konsolidasi ekonomi nasional ditengah fluktuasi ekonomi global. Rumus dan pengertian tentang kepentingan nasional harus secepatnya diperjelas. Kita butuh proteksi atas pasar domestik tanpa melakukan isolasi ekonomi. Dilapis tengah, etos dagang dibangun lagi dengan mempermudah gerak usaha kecil menengah. Sedang ditingkat rakyat, pembangunan daya produksi ekonomi sektor riil harus menjadi prioritas utama. Dengan cara ini, kita bisa mengembalikan kemandirian ekonomi nasional Indonesia. Sungguh satu tindakan menzalimi diri sendiri, jika kita masih terus setia pada resep ekonomi yang ditawarkan oleh IMF dan Bank Dunia.
Usaha ini akan gagal jika kita tidak ”membersihkan” parasit ekonomi dalam negeri. Mulai dari jejaring konglomerasi orde baru, bisnis gelap militer, kapitalis tukang palak(ersatz capitalist), hingga oligarki ekonomi domestik. Merekalah yang selama ini menikmati ”ekonomi pembangunan” dan seolah ditempatkan sebagai warga negara kelas satu. Dilayani oleh birokrasi, dipermudah oleh perbankan, dijaga tentara-polisi-dinas intelijen, dipuja-puja media massa, disayang kaum agamawan elitis, dan dilegitimasi oleh kalangan akademisi. Sungguh malang, seluruh jalur mobilitas vertikal kekuasaan politik sudah dibajak dan dikuasai oleh mereka. Karena itu, jangan pernah berharap dalam waktu dekat, satu perubahan fundamental akan tergelar dihadapan kita.
Menjadi Politisi Negarawan
Negara kita makin keropos, tapi sebagian besar elit politik terus saja bertempur dalam kekerdilan faham dan niat. Tidak adanya kepemimpinan pengetahuan atas situasi ini, mengundang tindakan konyol lain muncul silih berganti. Sebut salah satunya: fatwa haram golput dari Majelis Ulama Indonesia(MUI). Kenyataan ini sungguh memalukan. Sub sistem kebangsaaan kita bertabrakan satu sama lain. Bukankah memilih atau tidak memilih(golput/abstain) adalah hak politik dan bukan kewajiban politik?. Harusnya MUI memperketat pengawasan atas elit politik, bukan malah ikut mengunci dinamika kesadaran politik rakyat.
Otonomisasi daerah selama ini tidaklah digerakkan oleh kekuatan politik demokratis dan dikontrol partisipasi rakyat lokal secara kuat. Meski bekerja dalam mekanisme politik modern, namun proses politik dibajak oleh sisa-sisa kuasa semi feodal. Pada level tertentu defenisi bangsa hilang, berganti dengan politik dinasti/klan. Mereka mereproduksi diri menjadi birokrasi patrimonial, rezim wangsa, hingga model ekonomi kekerabatan. Pemilu 2009 menunjukkan kecenderungan meningkatnya praktek politik dinasti. Idiom AMPI alias Anak, Menantu, Ponakan, Ipar, sudah jadi ”rahasia umum” ditiap daerah.
Partai politik tak lagi punya fungsi edukasi dan artikulasi secara programatik. Seorang anak pejabat bisa tiba-tiba jadi caleg DPR-RI tanpa ikut proses kaderisasi dan belum sekalipun terlibat dalam kerja politik strategis diinternal partai. Pengabaian proses, menjadikan cadangan pemimpin politik nasional kita terus mengalami defisit kemampuan. Makin sempurna ketika partai politik secara nyata tidak punya konsepsi kaderisasi partai dan indikator kualitas proses internal, yang disesuaikan dengan konteks kebutuhan bangsa. Partai tanpa perkaderan adalah partai omong kosong, dan layak dilikuidasi.
Kita masih punya satu soal tambahan. Seiring pemekaran daerah berlangsung, psiko-histori politik rakyat telah digembosi oleh mental etnosentrisme dan etnopolitik yang sengaja dihembuskan oleh segelintir elit politik. Mereka menggunakan sentimen etnik dan kedaerahan untuk merebut kekuasaan. Makin sempurna konspirasi ini ketika kelas menengah bermental intelektual tukang memposisikan diri sebagai legitimator. Kemiskinan rakyat, kerusakan infrastruktur, dan ketimpangan kompisisi elit birokrasi, dieksploitasi sedemikian rupa untuk menjadi daya dorong mobilisasi politik.
Dalam konteks global, saat defisit kapasitas untuk jadi aktor kawasan makin parah, kita terlambat menyadari perangkap rezim ekonomi internasional. Dalam konteks nasional, Indonesia makin kehilangan rumus kepentingan nasional(national interest), saat bersamaan demokratisasi politik dibangun diatas kerangka politik tanpa proses, tanpa nalar strategis. Sedang dalam konteks lokal, berlangsung dua hal sekaligus: bias etnopolitik dan konsolidasi kekuasaan politik dinasti. Akumulasi dari realitas bertingkat ini, akan menghantarkan Indonesia tiba dibatas harapan terakhir sebagai negara.
Konflik-konflik kekuasan selama ini yang terus berulang hanya akan memperlemah daya hidup nasional Indonesia. Selain itu, kekuasaan politik harusnya dikelola untuk mengatur cara bertahan dan cara maju bangsa Indonesia dalam konteks sistem dunia. Kita makin masuk dalam perdebatan teknis, bahkan nalar kita juga sudah sangat teknis, dan mungkin sedikit lagi ideologi hidup pun akan bersifat teknis belaka. Keributannya jadi sangat administratif: Daftar Pemilih Tetap(DPT), kertas suara, nomor urut, dan kotak suara. Ini sangat memalukan.
Dalam kompetisi politik, terlihat kolektivisme sebuah partai telah berubah menjadi ketegangan individual internal. Hampir-hampir saja calon-calon anggota legislatif lupa, eksistensi mereka tidaklah bersifat personal tapi representasi institusional. Bukan individualitas yang terbangun, tapi karakter individualisme. Tarik menarik antara kepentingan partai politik dan eksistensi personal sang politisi sudah cukup menjadi bukti bahwa perikehidupan politik formal Indonesia, jatuh pada tingkat paling rendah dalam sejarah politik normatif sejak negara ini berdiri.
Makin sempurna ketika arena komunikasi politik bergeser ke media massa. Citra-citra virtual dianggap sudah lebih dari cukup untuk memberi informasi tentang keadaan partai. Dengan modal iklan berdurasi tidak lebih tiga menit, partai-partai politik telah menghancurkan hak rakyat atas kecukupan pengetahuan politik atas dimensi programatik mereka. Inilah bentuk penyederhanaan sekaligus pengkhianatan paling nyata yang dilakukan oleh partai politik. Buat iklan mahal, tapi tak mengagendakan pendidikan politik reguler untuk konstituen mereka.
Kita membutuhkan politisi negarawan, --setidaknya--untuk mengimbangi keadaan ini. Politisi negarawan tidak terkunci oleh kesempitan etnopolitik, mampu mendinamisasi semua potensi progresif, dan punya kecerdasan mengelola berbagai relasi konfliktual dalam negeri sambil melindungi bangsa dari buangan masalah perang global antar faksi dominan dunia. Potret seorang politisi negarawan adalah :
- Visioner; mengerti peta sistem dunia dan konfigurasi pertarungan kekuatan-kekuatan utama. Dari sini ia mampu membuat jalur gerak penyelamatan bangsa yang cerdas, dan tidak terjebak oleh berbagai perangkap global.
- Memiliki kesadaran sejarah yang cukup, tidak hanya tentang perubahan suprastruktur politik, tapi juga mengerti ruang batin politik dan psiko-histori masyarakat Indonesia.
- Memiliki mandat sosial dalam pergerakan politik yang dibangun. Hubungan ini tidak bersifat sepihak tapi mampu mendorong partisipasi politik dan kesadaran rakyat meningkat secara bertahap.
- Mampu menghimpun berbagai kekuatan positif dari segala kelompok untuk dikonsolidir secara demokratis menjadi kekuatan politik nasional programatik.
- Secara terus-menerus sambil membuat pelapisan angkatan pelopor dalam negeri, juga mendorong situasi nasional bangsa siap merebut kesempatan perubahan sistem jika ”kondisi-kondisi yang memungkinkan” hadir.
Pergerakan politik yang dilakoni oleh politisi partai selama ini hanya dibangun dari rumus idealitas nalar, tidak merujuk pada kebutuhan pertarungan. Akibatnya fatal: sikap gagap, gamang, dan serba tidak percaya diri, mendera terus-menerus. Mereka tidak mengerti sedang menghadapi lawan darimana? apa tahap tertinggi perjuangan politik yang dilakoni? apa rumus aliansi politik selain motif memenangkan kontestasi formal?. Deret pertanyaan ini makin sulit mereka jawab ketika poros pimpinan politik nasional mereka hanyalah sekumpulan orang-orang bermental ala Sultan Trenggono: lari dari musuh sebenarnya dan lebih senang dengan perang saudara.
Kita punya ribuan angkatan muda terdidik yang diproduksi tiap tahun dipuluhan universitas diseluruh wilayah Indonesia. Sayang, kita belum sanggup(baca: gagal) mengkondisikan mereka sebagai lapis harapan untuk menyelamatkan negara. Mereka tidak dibekali oleh keawasan nalar atas kompleksitas persoalan bangsa. Ini bisa dimaklumi sebab fakta sistem pendidikan kita masih berdiri terbalik bahkan seringkali berpunggungan dengan realitas sosial, ekonomi, politik yang sebenarnya. Makin repot ketika ”pihak pengelola” dan ”perencana sistem” anti dialog dan anti kritik.
Negara tidak mendidik rakyat, partai tidak mendidik kader dan konstituen, media massa menyajikan isyu dan berita bohong, ulama makin berjarak dengan umat, dan sekolah/kampus tak pernah bercermin, maka sesungguhnya kita semua adalah penyumbang kerusakan atas negara, bangsa, dan rakyat secara nasional. Membicarakan soal ini tidak butuh tumpukan narasi ilmiah atau penjelasan teori bertakik-takik. Sudah waktunya, kita berjama’ah menginterupsi diri dan seluruh sistem destruktif yang terus berjalan.
Pemilu 2009 bukanlah pemilu pro-kesadaran rakyat. Momentum ini hanya arena konsolidasi dinasti politik, oligarki ekonomi, dan antek-antek rezim internasional. Jika kemarin anda memilih ikut Pemilu, semoga anda ikut dengan kesadaran politik yang benar. Jika anda memilih golput, pastikan juga anda golput dengan kesadaran politik benar. Suka atau tidak kita punya daftar pekerjaan rumah segudang. Karena itu kita harus mulai benahi dari sekarang, jika tidak ingin Indonesia bubar ditengah jalan!.
Pohon jambura, warna merah marun. Rasa hati mahasiswa UNG, ah kasihan juga mereka.
This is the html version of the file http://arts.anu.edu.au/bullda/BIPPA.pdf.
Google automatically generates html versions of documents as we crawl the web.
IPPA BULLETIN
ISSN 0156-1316
BULLETIN OF THE INDO-PACIFIC PREHISTORY ASSOCIATION
NO. 7
Canberra
Australian National University
1986-7
SURVEY OF OPEN ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN SOUTH SULAWESI 1986-1987
F. David Bui beck
Australian National
University.
This account presents some first impressions and results from my
fieldwork in South Sulawesi province, Indonesia, between May 1986 and
January 1987. The fieldwork forms the basis of my PhD topic which,
broadly speaking, examines the rise of social complexity in the South
Sulawesi lowlands during the second millennium A.D. As the period of
interest leads into the establishment of indigenous written historical
traditions, the topic is called 'The South Sulawesi Prehistorical and
Historical Archaeological Project1 (SSPHAP). The research has
focussed on reconstructing the evolution of the Makassar state of
Gowa-Tallo, particularly through a locational analysis of thirteenth
to seventeenth century archaeological sites, notably burial grounds
and fortifications. SSPHAP has also regularly recorded archaeological
remains from earlier and later periods, and has collected information
on the culture history and changing land use patterns within the study
area from the late Pleistocene or early Holocene to the present.
PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE STUDY AREA
Gowa-Tallo had its immediate origins along the lower courses of
the Sungei (River) Jeneberang, with wider initial contacts as far as
the Sungei Maros to the north and Bangkala Bay to the south (see Fig.
1). The Sungei Jeneberang and the channels ancestral to the present
course have built up the large coastal floodplain between the Tallo
and Cikoang rivers (Sobur 1984/85). During the wet season, which is
confined almost entirely to the months between October and March
(Furukawa 1982), the Sungei Jeneberang transports sandy deposits which
have blocked successive outlets and caused new outlets to be sought.
(Sobur 1984/85). Other factors possibly responsible for the Sungei
Jeneberang's dynamic nature in the past include the cutting of new
upstream channels, the blocking action at one or more places by
Baturape-Cindako volcanic deposits, and localised uplift within the
coastal plain (Sobur, pers.comm.). ^
Ujung Pandang, the provincial capital of South Sulawesi, is
centred on old beach ridges just north of the present mouth of the
Sungei Jeneberang (Reid 1983). The rural area is densely occupied by
village communities, Makassar in the main. The major produce is wet
season flooded rice grown in bunded fields (sawahs). with two crops a
year in places favoured by irrigation schemes. Prior to development
of these centrally-administered irrigation schemes, the upper and
middle deltas of the major coastal streams may have been the most
productive sawah areas, owing to their annual inundation by silt-laden
fresh water. Accordingly, past shifts in the course of the Sungei
Jeneberang may have dramatically affected regional potentials for
surplus agricultural production.
36
KALIMANTAN
MOLUCCAS
o
SEE
MAPI
GEOLOGICAL FORMATIONS
Tonasa Formation
Limestones
Eocene to Middle Miocene
////
ILL
Camba Formation
Marine sedimentary rocks/volcanics
Middle to Late Miocene
Baturape-Cindako volcanics
Late Pliocene
~ti Lompobatang volcanics
■i Pleistocene
Coastal alluvial deposits
Holocene
After Sukamto & Supriatno, 1982
STONE ARTIFACT SITES
1 Pammangkulang Batua
2 Solokoa Na Lassang
3 Pakka Mukang
4 Bukit Bikuling
5 Bukit Manggarupi
6 Pattiro Tua
7 Gentung
REPORTED BRONZE KETTLE DRUM
8 Likuloe(Bonto Ramba)
"■"■"■ "—■ —— Boundaries of areas studied
intensively
Figure 1. South-western Sulawesi: the study region.
37
THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL PROBLEM
The South Sulawesi lowlands are populated by some five million
Bugis and Makassars, two of Indonesia's most enterprising ethnic
groups (Mattulada 1982). In addition, there are numerous transmigrant
colonies of both groups throughout Island Southeast Asia. Makassars
dominate the southern coastal strip of the peninsula and the northern
two-thirds of Selayar Island, while Bugis dominate the lowlands to the
north, into the foothills of the western central highlands of
Sulawesi. The Bugis and Makassar languages form a subgroup with the
western central highland languages (Mills 1975). While Makassar was
the first language to split off from this subgroup, Makassars share
with Bugis a very similar culture, including the Islamic religion
(Mattulada 1982). Divergences from mainstream Bugis-Makassar culture
survive only as enclaves in a few places in the peninsula.
Numerous Bugis and Makassar texts purport to describe events,
genealogies and geo-political facts dating approximately between the
fourteenth and seventeenth centuries (Mukhlis 1975; Caldwell,
pers.comm.). Unusual in indigenous Indonesian historical literature
for their factual perspective and down-to-earth style (Noorduyn 1965),
these texts have attracted scholarly attention since the nineteenth
century. Recently, Macknight (1975, 1983) has brought to bear a
powerful explanatory framework for the origins of the state, based on
modern anthropological theory. Two of Macknight'a PhD students, Ian
Caldwell and myself, are continuing his example from philological and
archaeological viewpoints respectively.
Gowa-Tallo had three phases of historical development; firstly,
the consolidation of Gowa's local power base; secondly, Gowa's
expansion to incorporate Tallo and the other lowland polities within
the study area; and, thirdly, the expansion of Gowa-Tallo's suzerainty
throughout the South Sulawesi lowlands. These three phases can be
identified in the 'Sejarah Goa' (Wolhoff and Abdurrahim, n.d.) and the
'Sejarah Tallo' (Rahim and Ridwan 1975), and dated according to the
chronology given by Reid (1981:3; 1983:132-133).
Towards the end of the fifteenth century the control of various
communities was divided between two brothers, Batara Goa and Karaeng
Loe ri Sero'. The 'Sejarah Tallo' presents one legend concerning^the
quarrel of these brothers. The faction under Karaeng Loe ri Sero*
included the communities within Tombolo and Saumata, due east of
Benteng Kale Gowa (Fig. 2), and Borolloe some four kilometres to the
south (Fig. 1). While Karaeng Loe was absent for a time these
communities switched their alliance to Batara Goa.
The 'Sejarah Goa' presents a slightly different version in which
the allies of Karaeng Loe ri Sero' consisted of Pannampu, Paralloe and
Moncongloe, which all sit around the tidal reaches of the Sungei
Tallo, and Saumata (Fig. 2). Batara Goa's triumphant allies included
Tombolo, Mangngasa, and Bontomanai Barat (Fig. 2); and Paccellekang,
Pattallassang, and Bontomanai Timur on the extensive eastern rice bowl
38
Bentengs (forts) and defensive brick walls mapped on the ground and/or visible on air photographs
X - Gowa-Tallo Bentengs known from historical sources but not yet discerned archaeologically
GO — Gowa Toponyms older than Batara Goa
G1 — Toponyms associated with Batara Goa
G2-5 — Toponyms associated with the first, second, etc. direct descendents of Batara Goa
T1 —Toponyms associated with Karaeng Loe Ri Sero
T2-4- Toponyms associated with the first, second, etc, putative direct descendents of Karaeng Loe Ri Sero
- Toponyms doubtful; other Toponyms reliable
N.B. '?' — Toponyms possible only;
Figure 2. The region of the lower Jene Berang and Tallo rivers.
39
between Salata and Centung (see Fig 1). ^^^Ärt
.rr^Ä^Ä sä ssr i— ne« *. ^ -.*.
Yet a third version of these »»^'»i'-^AÏÏ.^S.M
traditional titles of the nine counci 1er ^»^„"tnese titles
ITAl ft fcted8withineadtÌgn? band between Kale Gowa and Saumata
The legendary cuarrel between the ;^'sS,ffi, or
Gowa's incorporatxon of the P"^"31*1^/«^ throne. In either
it may recount a -«^Ä^entury Gowa had become a complex
case, by the end of the fifteenth centu y associated with the
cMefdom with a densely popula ed co e he«*, ass ^^
the^eran^ SÄ£V- the coast to as far east as the
Pabundukang foothills.
in the second phase referred to above the son of Bat «a Goa,
Karaeng Tumapa'risi' pilonna joined forces with Gov . . l^o
battle against Polombangkeng, Maros, and Tallo. Ait
now covered the whole of the study area.
Either in preparation for this last contest or for the next one,
Tu^pa^i' Kaïlonna constructed theJ original^a- en wa_ Is^the
fortified sites of Kale Gowa and *«£ £- ^\he adjoining South
century he had extended Gowa-Tallo suzerain y he
promotion, and even a place in the y 1 -^^»'expansionist
resistance was offered by Bugis Kinguu „n1_.ui. The adoption
goals, notably Bone on the east coast of the P^»8"1^^ a £„,
of isla, at the »ginning o the seventeen h -t^pr^ ^
(Andaya 1981).
Communities near Kale Gowa and Sungei Tf 1™/^°^,
into the Gowa and Tallo lineages ^^.^J^f £ ^G'S and T'.
often almost contemporaneously «to WU».!-^^ „
with subscripts 2 to 4 in Fig. 2). ine intere»
external trade undoubtedly dated roma least^his^ime,^^^
crucial benefits to be obtainea ror and TaUo
Cr1eadedritredM:ra 's r'hïrho f «rep« wïthf/modern Ujung Pandang).
Tien fccolmtoÏÏted increasing numbers of foreign traders from the
40
mid-sixteenth century onwards (Reid 1983). The entrepot was
strategically flanked by Benteng Somba Opu (see Fig. 2), which
apparently became the new Gowa capital in the mid-sixteenth century
(Mukhlis 1975:56-57), and by Benteng Tallo which was built later (Reid
1981:12). In the fourth phase, roughly between 1600 and 1660, the
city became the principal entrepot connected to the Spice Islands of
eastern Indonesia, particularly for traders defying the Dutch monopoly
(Reid 1981; 1983). V y
By this time, Gowa-Tallo had developed all the attributes
expected of a »state» (cf. Wheatley 1983), but at a price. The
entrepot city of Makassar had become Gowa-Tallo»s major settlement,
possibly in terms of both size and population density (Reid
1983:144-145), and certainly in terms of administrative institutions
(Andaya 1981). The local rulers had become almost appendages in a
city occupied primarily by non-Makassars, a city which was firmly
fixed in the network of international trade extending to Europe (Reid
1981). Defensive efforts against the Dutch swelled the ranks of Bugis
dissidents, who rallied under the local leadership of the Bone prince
Arung Palakka. The Bugis joined with the Dutch naval forces under
Speelman, and finally triumphed in 1669. The Gowa-Tallo state
machinery was then divided between the victors; the Dutch took over
the entrepot and some supporting hinterland areas, while Arung Palakka
dominated the internal politics of the peninsula (Andaya 1981).
The Gowa-Tallo state clearly offers an example of secondary as
opposed to primary state formation, as defined by Price (1978). Its
exceptionally well-documented history renders it of particular
relevance for theories concerning the origins of the state (cf.
Macknight 1975).
SITE SURVEY STRATEGY
In my research proposal to the Indonesian government I stipulated
that I would undertake archaeological field survey with little or no
excavation (Bulbeck 1985). This strategy has allowed large areas to
be covered in day trips from Ujung Pandang, closely co-ordinated with
my provincial sponsor Suaka Peninggalan Sejarah dan Purbakala Sulawesi
Selatan, and in the company of trained archaeological personnel
residing in the city.
The site survey aims to reconstruct the evolution of the
settlement pattern associated with the local ascendancy of Gowa-Tallo.
My first field season has targeted the area of Gowa's core and
periphery, as well as sampling the allied polities which enjoyed
formal independence to the south. While the survey strategy has not
been tailored to understanding the settlement systems of earlier
phases, we have documented several prehistoric sites within the
surveyed areas.
The major sites occupied during the various phases of Gowa-Tallo
administration are locally renowned. These include Ujung Pandang's
seventeenth century harbour area, for which detailed Dutch maps are an
41
added source of information. For such sites the archaeological problem
revolves around the reconstruction of building histories and periods
of occupation. A team from my national sponsor, the Indonesian
National Research Centre for Archaeology, has taken the first
systematic steps in this direction (Nurhadi et_ al, 1980). Officers of
that institution and SSPHAP will jointly survey all these major sites,
a project half completed at the time of writing.
To identify the sites occupying the second level in the
Gowa-Tallo settlement hierarchy, I have assumed that these would
mostly be mentioned as noteworthy polities in the 'Sejarah Goa' and
'Sejarah Tallo1. Many of the same toponyms can be detected in the
Gowa-Tallo administrative documents, as analysed by Mukhlis (1975).
Unambiguous location of the toponyms frequently depends on field data.
Some obsolete names are not to be found on maps, but are still known
in the locality, others have been used for local government
administrative areas, whereas with others two or more places of
equivalent a priori likelihood may bear the same name.
These toponyms identify areas of administrative control which can
then be comprehensively surveyed. The areas covered so far are
indicated on Fig. 1. These are: (i) the tributaries of the Sungei
Tallo, (ii) the ricebowl northeast of Kale Gowa, (iii) the southern
deltaic region of the Sungei Jeneberang, (iv) the Mandallek Toa site
complex, and (v) Benteng Sanrobone and its immediate surroundings.
Toponym-rich areas which have not yet been surveyed include the Maros
lowlands, the central and northern areas of the kabupaten of Ujung
Pandang, and the area between Sanrobone and Bangkala Bay.
Another survey strategy so far realised aims to relate human
occupation to particular geomorphological features, and from this
viewpoint we have also surveyed the coast from Aengtoa to Galesong,
and along both sides of the Sungei Jeneberang up to the middle
foothills (Fig. 1).
Field location of archaeological sites
In the densely occupied rural landscape of my study area fallow
fields provide excellent archaeological visibility, but they
infrequently coincided with earlier occupation centres. The key
resource for site location proved to be information from the local
farmers, direct descendents of the target population, whose present
land utilisation rights revolve around the folkloric understanding of
the past. In particular, the growing commercial interest in antiques
since the Second World War has led to a great increase in illegal
excavation, even though this regrettable practice was declared illegal
by the Indonesian government about 15 years ago. Nevertheless, the
survey archaeologist can at least record some information from
previously buried sites thus located and brought partially to the
surface. A team from my national sponsor demonstrated these points to
me, before I embarked on my own programme, when they invited me on one
of their field surveys on Selayar Island (see Wibisono 1985).
42
The SSPHAP team standardised the surveying, once an area was
chosen, by stopping at every village shown on the 1920s Dutch maps, as
well as newer villages along the roads in-between. Enquiries started
with old Islamic graveyards and moved on to the issue of antique
finds. These are the same type of site, since in the centuries
immediately preceding the adoption of Islam the dead were generally
buried with prized possessions.
Once a burial site was identified, the survey mapped the burial
grounds and associated occupation areas. Ideally, the whole site
would be surveyed until the fall-off in surface artefacts indicated
that the borders had been reached. Owing to time limitations however,
we generally made partial surveys, standardised to include zones of
reported antique finds, Islamic burial grounds, saukangs (spirit
dwelling places according to Bugis-Makassar tradition), particularly
dense concentrations of sherdage, and zones with particularly good
archaeological visibility which lay within the site's domain. We also
mapped and documented the associated geomorphological and current
landuse features.
Stone Tools
As a byproduct of the first fieldwork season we identified some
50 open sites with stone artefacts, including three with ground axes
and a larger number with 'Toalean' tools. The documentation of open
Toalean sites contributes to an understanding of the adaptations of
these mid-Holocene hunter-gatherers. The flaking of small stone tools
probably did not cease with the introduction of a horticultural
economy, and sites dominated by earthenware pottery frequently
contained a few stone flakes.
We made surface collections of between 40 and 675 stone artefacts
at seven sites (see Fig. 1) The two largest collections, from
Pammangkulang Batua and at Solokoa Na Lassang on the southern banks of
the Jeneberang, were associated with small quantities of earthenware
sherds. Unequivocally Toalean tool forms, as described by Bellwood
(1985:195-7), dominate the Pammangkulang Batua collection. These also
occur at Solokoa Na Lassang, along with larger tools, some of which
appear to be significantly older. Pakka Mukang, about one kilometre
from the sea at Galesong, produced a high density of artefacts
possibly relatable to the Indonesian 'flake and blade technocomplex'
(cf. Bellwood 1985:193), but with few diagnostically Toalean forms.
We made the collection in a ploughed field which also held an
extraordinary concentration of earthenware and tradeware sherds. The
four smaller collections were on raised surfaces within Kale Gowa's
ricebowl hinterland; Bukit Bikuling, Bukit Manggarupi, Pattiro Tua
and Gentung all produced recognisably Toalean tools.
Early Decorated Pottery
Although known mostly for their Toalean stone tools, the Maros
cave assemblages include pottery with geometric stamped and incised
decoration (e.g. Mulvaney and Soejono 1970; Glover 1976). Fragments
43
with comparable decoration often turned up during our site survey,
either as an infrequent element in Gowa-Tallo related sites, or in
sites which appear to be older. Bellwood (1985:316) notes the lack of
a chronology for the prehistoric culture history of South Sulawesi
subsequent to the Toalean. Statistical analysis of our surface
collections may allow an approximate dating of these early decorated
wares.
In the study area, a tradition of secondary burial in jars may be
roughly contemporary with this decorated pottery. Mulvaney and
Soejono (1970:175-176) inspected two burial caves littered with
sherds, and the associated human bones were subsequently shown to have
been lightly cremated (Boedhisampurno 1982). SSPHAP has recorded ten
open sites where people have reportedly exhumed jars containing
fragmented human bone, also apparently lightly cremated. This
tradition appears to have extended into the second millennium A.D.
since some of the sites were associated with considerably quantities
of gold, while others are adjacent to or co-incidental with burial
grounds belonging to the succeeding tradition to be described below.
It may also be that some of the unusual human remains recovered in
excavations at Kampung Sompo, Takalar (Tjandrasasmita 1970) can be
explained as secondary jar burials.
The Phase of East-West Extended Inhumations
East-west extended inhumations, usually accompanied by imported
East Asian ceramics and iron or gold objects (see Tjandrasasmita
1970), have yielded the bulk of the illegally-excavated antiques from
South Sulawesi. The tradition was prominent only around the southern
coast, including Selayar Island, and also at Luwu on the gulf between
the two southern arms of Sulawesi (Reid 1983). Controlled excavations
which have produced such inhumations have been carried out at Kampung
Malewang in Kabupaten Pangkajene Kepulauan and at Kampung Sompo
(Tjandrasasmita 1970), at Batang Mata Sapo in Selayar (Wibisono 1985),
and at Ulu Leang 1 in Maros (Glover 1976). I have not yet seen any
evidence to date this tradition before the fourteenth century A.D., or
even firmly before the fifteenth century, within the southwest corner
of South Sulawesi. A new range of decorated earthenwares,
characterised by open vessels with grooves or ridges around their
upper exterior bodies (see Tjandrasasmita 1970), appears at
approximately the same time as this burial tradition in the study
area.
Although my site surveys and analyses are still incomplete, I
would like to offer some tentative suggestions on the settlement
pattern associated with this phase. On the raised surfaces which
protrude above or flank the deltaic or swampy sawah belts, the density
of east-west burial grounds approaches the density of old Islamic
graveyards, and the two types of burial ground always occur close
together, often on the same spot. The traditional sawah economy thus
appears to have been well in place before the general conversion to
Islam. Old Islamic burial grounds apparently unassociated with
east-west extended burial grounds were also encountered on raised
44
locations in regions where rice is only a minor crop. These data may
indicate a post-Islamic diversification of the economic base, and an
expansion of communities into habitats which were previously
considered marginal.
Some of the pre-Islamic burial grounds are very large. Examples
include the Saumata complex (Fig. 2), Jamarang, Aengtoa, and Mandallek
Toa (Fig. 1). One possible interpretation for these large sites is
that daughter colonies had filled the immediate landscape but
continued to use the central, designated burial ground (cf. Wibisono
1985). On an even larger scale several discrete burial grounds within
a circumscribed area may be joined by signs of continuous occupation.
Examples of this include Benteng Kale Gowa, the Sero/Tombolo complex
(Fig. 2), Galesong, Benteng Sanrobone, and on a more dispersed scale
the entire Mandallek Toa site complex. In these cases the individual
communities probably regarded themselves as discrete lineages, but
recognised a local hierarchy of authority.
The pre-Islamic burial grounds between Aengtoa and Galesong
adhered quite strictly to the coastal inlets. In the case of
Galesong, which was closely allied with Gowa-Tallo (Mukhlis 1975:65),
the Islamic graveyards continued to spread from a centralised,
pre-Islamic core region. Elsewhere the early Islamic burial grounds
seem to have become more dispersed, a movement which in some cases may
suggest a reduced degree of centralisation of authority. More
generally, there are several major pre-Islamic burial grounds whose
associated Islamic burial grounds are meagre - Saumata, Aengtoa,
Jamarang - or completely absent as in the case of Mandallek Toa.
TOWARDS A MODEL OF GOWA-TALLO STATE FORMATION
Systematic surveys for archaeological sites have so far covered
only a miniscule fraction of the South Sulawesi lowlands. The
resultant lack of archaeological data has led in the past to an
assumption that the Bugis and/or Makassars exploded recently into a
spottily-occupied peninsula. The 1986/87 field season suggests a
quite different background perspective, at least for the study area.
This fertile area seems to have harboured a substantial population
from at least the mid-Holocene onwards.
Horticulturalists may have inhabited the study area widely for
quite some time, conceivably as far back as the time of Christ (cf.
Macknight 1983). The evidence for this includes those first- and
second-level sites in the Gowa-Tallo settlement hierarchy which have
produced small quantities of early decorated pottery. Evidence from
the Maros caves (Glover 1985) suggests the introduction of
domesticated rice as early as A.D. 500. An increasing population and
density of communities thus probably characterised the study area
during the Christian era. Accordingly, a gradual insinuation of new
elements may have guided social developments, rather than successive
explosions of new cultures into a vacant landscape.
45
There has thus been a considerable time depth for the adoption of
external influences by communities within the study area. The
Moluccan spice trade appears to have been operating throughout the
second millennium A.D. (Guy 1986:6), linking eastern Indonesia into
the network of Old World trade. The first wave of East Asian export
trade in ceramics occurred in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries
(Guy 1986), and the SSPHAP team found ceramics of this date in a wide
spread of geographical contexts, even if generally in low quantities.
Other indicators of external contacts include the Dong Son bronze
kettle drum from Selayar (Bellwood 1985:283), and there are rumours of
a similar drum found in Luwu (Abdul Muttalib, pers.comm.). At
Likuloe, just west of Pammangkulang Batua (Fig. 1), we were told of
the excavation by villagers of a bronze kettle drum one metre in
height.
The 'Sejarah Goa' and 'Sejarah Tallo' trace the Gowa and Tallo
lineages back to two brothers who parted after a quarrel. Reid
(1981:3-4; 1983:135) suggests that this is not a factual account, but
rather a legitimisation of Gowa's alliance with the Malay, Javanese
and Bajau trading contacts introduced under Tallo auspices.
Certainly, the Jonggoa toponym associated with the Gowa origin myth,
and some of the toponyms which the 'Sejarah Tallo' associates with
Tallo's first two kings, can be assigned to the Ujung Pandang/Kale
Gowa area only with great difficulty (see Fig. 2). They do, however,
form a cluster in the south, between Sungei Cikoang and Bangkala Bay
(see Fig. 1). This raises the hypothesis that Tallo was originally a
trading station based in the south of the study area during the
fifteenth century, but which was attracted northwards with the new
centralisation of local power under Tumapa'risi' Kallonna.
My field data suggest that, by the fifteenth century, communities
with a sawah-based economy were installed next to suitable patches of
seasonally-flooded ground throughout the study area (cf. Macknight
1983). The almost unlimited potential of wet rice for intensification
(Geertz 1963) may have led already to the rudiments of agrarian state
formation. Some of the territorially-based lineages may have had the
capacity to call up large numbers of warriors. There may well have
been intense competition to control surplus rice and the highly
desired imports which could be acquired with that surplus (Macknight
1983). If wet season freshwater discharge determined local potentials
for rice production, then the most centralised polities should have
developed in strategic locations near major deltas, surrounded by
allies who themselves may have been hierarchically organised. This
picture appears to fit available descriptions of the fifteenth century
Gowa kingdom.
During the fifteenth century Polombangkeng had developed further
(Reid 1983:124), boasting seven brother kings from Jamarang southwards
(Wolhoff and Abdurrahim n.d.: Verse 43). Bajeng, Jamarang and
Mandallek appear to have been eclipsed after the early sixteenth
century, whereas the four southern kingdoms (Lengkese, Jipang,
Katingang, and especially Sanrobone) enjoyed subsequent marriages or
administrative linkages with the Gowa-Tallo aristocracy (Wolhoff and
46
Abdurrahim, n.d.; Mukhlis 1975:65,68). Benteng Sanrobone, the only
brick fortress outside the Gowa-Tallo core region, has a layout very
like that of Benteng Kale Gowa (cf. Suaka 1985:37-53; Nurhadi et al.
1980). These four southern kingdoms appear to have switched their
alliances from Bajeng to the Kale Gowa area, possibly a crucial factor
in the stability of the Gowa-Tallo ascent.
Reid (1983) has pointed out the natural advantages of Ujung
Pandang as a seaport. Despite several changes in administration, the
entrepot city of Makassar, first developed by Gowa/Tallo, has remained
the major city of eastern Indonesia to this day. Gowa-Tallo's
apparently meteoric rise in the sixteenth century (Reid 1983) may thus
have resulted from an elixic blend of quickening trade interests in
eastern Indonesia, and the establishment of an agrarian authority
guaranteeing security and controlling a large agricultural surplus. I
have presented a tentative case for a long chronology behind the
development of these two vital elements within the study area. When
the data finally amount to a satisfactory solution, Gowa/Tallo may
become an important example for an understanding of the processes
behind secondary state formation.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The survey work described here would not have been possible
without the kind support of Dr R.P. Soejono, Head of the Indonesian
National Research Centre for Archaeology, and Dr Hasan Ambary, head of
that institution's Department of Islamic Archaeology. I am equally
indebted to Masdoekhi, Head of the Suaka Peninggalan Sejarah dan
Purbakala Sulawesi Selatan, and his deputies Abdul Muttalib and Bahru
Kallupa, for their administrative and professional support. My
supervisors, Campbell Macknight and Peter Bellwood, have shaped the
research in innumerable ways. I gratefully acknowledge constructive
information from Sonny Wibisono and Nurhadi (National Research Centre
for Archaeology), Mukhlis and Abdul Sobur (Hasanuddin University,
Ujung Pandang), and Anthony Reid and Ian Caldwell (Australian National
University). Regular companions on the survey work have been Karaeng
Demmanari (Suaka), Dubel Driwantoro (National Research Centre for
Archaeology), Iwan Sumantri and Agustiawan (Hasanuddin university);
their enthusiasm and skills have been instrumental in the survey's
success. The research has been financially and administratively
supported by the Australian National University. Special projects
surveying the Gowa/Tallo southern fortifications (with Sonny
Wibisono), and the major protohistoric sites around Watansoppeng (with
Bahru Kallupa and Ian Caldwell), have been made possible through a
generous grant from the Myer Foundation.
47
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[1] Ditulis kembali untuk menjadi pembuka wacana di rumah belajar Lipu’ Kobayagan
[2] Peminat sejarah dan lingkar belajar bersama.
[3] Disini Anarkisme sekadar dijadikan “alat bantu” untuk mendekati arti sesungguhnya dari realitas sejarah sosial Indonesia. Anarkisme sering disalah artikan. Anarkisme berbeda dengan destruktivisme. Anarkisme tidak percaya sedikitpun pada fungsi, otoritas, dan kekuasaan negara. Pada titik tertentu mereka menghendaki penghancuran negara. Anarkisme lahir di Eropa sebagai reaksi atas patologi modernitas. Sedang di nusantara, model-model tanpa negara sudah lebih dulu hidup jauh sebelum sejarah tata negara dunia(India, China, Timur Tengah, Eropa) hadir dan menjadi rujukan.
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